By Charlotte Brooks
Among the early 1900s and the overdue Fifties, the attitudes of white Californians towards their Asian American associates advanced from outright hostility to relative reputation. Charlotte Brooks examines this change throughout the lens of California’s city housing markets, arguing that the perceived foreignness of Asian americans, which at the start stranded them in segregated components, finally facilitated their integration into neighborhoods that defied different minorities.Against the backdrop of chilly struggle efforts to win Asian hearts and minds, whites who observed little distinction among Asians and Asian americans more and more endorsed the latter group’s entry to middle-class lifestyles and the residential components that went with it. yet as they reworked Asian americans right into a “model minority,” whites purposefully overlooked the lengthy backstory of chinese language and eastern american citizens’ early and principally failed makes an attempt to take part in private and non-private housing courses. As Brooks tells this multifaceted tale, she attracts on a huge diversity of resources in a number of languages, giving voice to an array of neighborhood leaders, newshounds, activists, and homeowners—and insightfully conveying the complexity of racialized housing in a multiracial society.
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Additional resources for Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends: Asian Americans, Housing, and the Transformation of Urban California (Historical Studies of Urban America)
Did not typically signal a willingness to embrace Mexican or Indian Californians as fellow citizens in the present,” historian Phoebe Kropp has contended. ” White nostalgia was not just patronizing but also indicative of wider racial conflict and white Californians’ overall racial concerns. In the agricultural districts where Japanese, Filipino, and Mexican American laborers predominated, white farmers praised the work ethic and supposed docility of the vanished Chinese. ” These white Californians resembled the late-nineteenth-century white Southerners who romanticized “faithful” antebellum black slaves because they represented the older, more repressive, and more settled racial order of the antebellum period.
23 Still, the union-affiliated anti-Chinese movement continued to influence San Francisco politics at all levels well into the 1930s. By 1900, the city had also grown more diverse, with thousands of Italians, Scandinavians, Russians, and other new European immigrants joining the predominately Irish, German, and Anglo population. Many of the newcomers, particularly single male laborers, worked in the factories south of Market Street and lived in the row houses and boardinghouses of that densely populated district.
51 Japanese immigrants did not encounter quite the same extreme degree of segregation that Chinese Americans did, however. Neither federal nor local officials would tolerate the kind of violence that the Chinese routinely faced in nineteenth-century San Francisco. 52 Local politicians still fulminated against the Japanese, but none promoted the kind of vigilantism that prompted an earlier generation of Chinese to take refuge within Chinatown’s borders. Segregationist sentiments persevered in less violent ways, however.
Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends: Asian Americans, Housing, and the Transformation of Urban California (Historical Studies of Urban America) by Charlotte Brooks